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Biography

The Mafia (also known as Cosa Nostra ) is a criminal syndicate that emerged in the mid-nineteenth century in Sicily, Italy . It is a loose association of criminal groups that share a common organizational structure and code of conduct, and whose common enterprise is protection racketeering . Each group, known as a "family", "clan", or " cosca ", claims sovereignty over a territory in which it operates its protection racket|racket s – usually a town or village or a neighbourhood ( borgata ) of a larger city. Its members call themselves "men of honour", although the public often refers to them as "mafiosi".

According to the classic definition, the Mafia is a criminality originating in Sicily - i.e. Cosa Nostra .Lupo, , pp. 1-3 However, the term "mafia" has become a generic term for any organized criminal network with similar structure, methods, and interests.

The Mafia proper frequently parallels, collaborates with or clashes with, networks originating in other parts of southern Italy , such as the Camorra (from Campania ), the 'Ndrangheta (from Calabria ), the Stidda (southern Sicily) and the Sacra Corona Unita (from Apulia ). However, Giovanni Falcone , the anti-Mafia judge murdered by the Mafia in 1992, objected to the inflation of the use of "Mafia" to organized crime in general:

:While there was a time when people were reluctant to pronounce the word 'Mafia'& nbsp;... nowadays people have gone so far in the opposite direction that it has become an overused term& nbsp;... I am no longer willing to accept the habit of speaking of the Mafia in descriptive and all-inclusive terms that make it possible to stack up phenomena that are indeed related to the field of organized crime but that have little or nothing in common with the Mafia.Lupo, History of the Mafia , pp. 1–2

The American Mafia arose from offshoots of the Mafia that emerged in the United States during the late nineteenth century, following waves of emigration from Sicily. There were similar offshoots in Canada among Italian Canadians . However, while the same has been claimed of organised crime in Australia ,, Time, 31 January 1964. this appears to result from confusion with 'Ndrangheta , which is generally regarded as more prominent among Italian Australians .

Etymology

There are several theories about the origin of the term "Mafia" (sometimes spelled "Maffia" in early texts). The Sicilian language|Sicilian adjective mafiusu (in Italian: mafioso ) may derive from the slang Arabic mahyas (?????), meaning "aggressive boasting, bragging", or marfud (?????) meaning "rejected". Roughly translated, it means " wikt:swagger#English|swagger ," but can also be translated as "boldness, wikt:bravado|bravado ". In reference to a man, mafiusu in 19th century Sicily was ambiguous, signifying a bully, arrogant but also fearless, enterprising, and proud, according to scholar Diego Gambetta .This etymology is based on the books Mafioso by Gaia Servadio; The Sicilian Mafia by Diego Gambetta; and Cosa Nostra by John Dickie (see #Books|Books below). In reference to a woman, however, the feminine-form adjective "mafiusa" means beautiful and attractive.

Other possible origins from Arabic:

maha = quarry, caveGambetta, The Sicilian Mafia . pp. 259-261.

''mu'afa = safety, protection

The public's association of the word with the criminal secret society was perhaps inspired by the 1863 play "I mafiusi di la Vicaria" ("The Mafiosi of the Vicaria") by Giuseppe Rizzotto and Gaetano Mosca. The words Mafia and mafiusi are never mentioned in the play; they were probably put in the title to add a local flair. The play is about a Palermo prison gang with traits similar to the Mafia: a boss, an initiation ritual, and talk of "umirtà" ( omertà or code of silence) and " pizzo (extortion)|pizzu " (a codeword for extortion money).Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 136. The play had great success throughout Italy. Soon after, the use of the term "mafia" began appearing in the Italian state's early reports on the phenomenon. The word made its first official appearance in 1865 in a report by the prefect of Palermo , Filippo Antonio Gualterio (senator)|Filippo Antonio Gualterio .Lupo, , p. 3.

According to legend , the word Mafia was first used in the Sicilian revolt – the Sicilian Vespers – against rule of the Capetian House of Anjou on 30 March 1282. In this legend, Mafia is the acronym for " M orte A lla F rancia, I talia A nela" (Italian for " Death to France, Italy cries! ").Hess, Mafia & Mafiosi , pp. 2-3. However, this version is now discarded by most serious historians.

"Cosa Nostra" and other names

According to Mafia turncoats ( pentiti ), the real name of the Mafia is " Cosa Nostra " ("Our thing"). When the American mafioso Joseph Valachi testified before the United States Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations|Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the United States Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs|U.S. Senate Committee on Government Operations in 1963 (known as the Valachi hearings ), he revealed that American mafiosi referred to their organization by the term cosa nostra ("our thing" or "this thing of ours")., Time, 16 August 1963., Time, 4 October 1963., Time, 11 October 1963. At the time, it was understood as a proper name, fostered by the FBI and disseminated by the media. The designation gained wide popularity and almost replaced the term Mafia. The FBI even added the article La to the term, calling it La Cosa Nostra (in Italy, the article la is not used when referring to the Sicilian Mafia).

Italian investigators initially did not take the term seriously, believing it was used only by the American Mafia . In 1984, the Mafia turncoat Tommaso Buscetta revealed to the anti-mafia magistrate Giovanni Falcone that the term was used by the Sicilian Mafia as well.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra: A History of the Sicilian Mafia . ISBN 0-349-93526-2. Buscetta dismissed the word "mafia" as a mere literary creation. Other defectors, such as Antonino Calderone and Salvatore Contorno , confirmed the use of Cosa Nostra to describe the Mafia.Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , p. 24. Mafiosi introduce known members to each other as belonging to cosa nostra ("our thing") or la stessa cosa ("the same thing"), meaning "he is the same thing, a mafioso, as you".

The Sicilian Mafia has used other names to describe itself throughout its history, such as "The Honoured Society". Mafiosi are known among themselves as "men of honour" or "men of respect".

Cosa Nostra should not be confused with other mafia-type organizations in Italy such as the 'Ndrangheta in Calabria, the Camorra in Campania, or the Sacra Corona Unita in Apulia.

History

The genesis of Cosa Nostra is hard to trace because mafiosi are very secretive and do not keep historical records of their own. In fact, they have been known to spread deliberate lies about their past, and sometimes come to believe in their own myths.

Post-feudal Sicily

Modern scholars believe that its seeds were planted in the upheaval of Sicily's transition out of feudalism in 1812 and its later annexation by mainland Italy in 1860. Under feudalism, the nobility owned most of the land and enforced law and order through their private armies. After 1812, the feudal barons steadily sold off or rented their lands to private citizens. Primogeniture was abolished, land could no longer be seized to settle debts, and one fifth of the land was to become private property of the peasants.Jason Sardell. . 2009. After Italy annexed Sicily in 1860, it redistributed a large share of public and church land to private citizens. The result was a huge boom in landowners: from 2,000 in 1812 to 20,000 by 1861.
Oriana Bandiera. . 2001. p. 8. The nobles also released their private armies to let the state take over the task of law enforcement. However, the authorities were incapable of properly enforcing property rights and contracts, largely due to their inexperience with free market capitalism.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 94. Lack of manpower was also a problem: there were often less than 350 active policemen for the entire island. Some towns did not have any permanent police force, only visited every few months by some troops to collect malcontents, leaving criminals to operate with impunity from the law in the interim.D. Mack Smith. A History of Sicily: Modern Sicily, after 1713 . p. 368. With more property owners came more disputes that needed settling, contracts that needed enforcing, and properties that needed protecting. Because the authorities were undermanned and unreliable, property owners turned to extralegal arbitrators and protectors. These extralegal protectors would eventually organize themselves into the first Mafia clans.

Banditry was a growing problem at the time. Rising food prices,Oriana Bandiera. Land Reform, the Market for Protection and the Origins of the Sicilian Mafia: Theory and Evidence . p. 8. the loss of public and church lands,Jason Sardell. . p. 12. and the loss of feudal common rights pushed many desperate peasants to banditry. In response, local elites in countryside towns recruited young men into "companies-at-arms" to hunt down thieves and negotiate the return of stolen property, in exchange for a pardon for the thieves and a fee from the victims.Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 34. These companies-at-arms were often made up of former bandits and criminals, usually the most skilled and violent of them.Oriana Bandiera. Land Reform, the Market for Protection and the Origins of the Sicilian Mafia: Theory and Evidence . p. 10. Whilst this saved communities the trouble of training their own policemen, this may have made the companies-at-arms more inclined to collude with their former brethren rather than destroy them.Oriana Bandiera. Land Reform, the Market for Protection and the Origins of the Sicilian Mafia: Theory and Evidence . p. 9.

There was little Mafia activity in the eastern half of Sicily. In the east, the ruling elites were more cohesive and active during the transition from feudalism to capitalism. They maintained their large stables of enforcers, and were able to absorb or suppress any emerging violent groups.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 83. Furthermore, the land in the east was generally divided into a smaller number of large estates, so there were fewer landowners and their large estates often required full-time patrolling. This meant that guardians of such estates tended to be bound to a single employer, giving them little autonomy or leverage to demand high payments.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 87. This did not mean there was little violence - the most violent conflicts over land took place in the east, but they did not involve mafiosi.

Mafia activity was most prevalent in the most prosperous areas of western Sicily, especially Palermo , where the dense concentrations of landowners and merchants offered ample opportunities for protection racketeering and extortion. There, a protector could serve multiple clients, giving him greater independence. The greater number of clients demanding protection also allowed him to charge high prices. The landowners in this region were also frequently absent and could not watch over their properties should the mafioso withdraw protection, further increasing his bargaining power.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection . p. 94.

The lucrative citrus orchards around Palermo were a favorite target of extortionists and protection racketeers, as they had a fragile production system that made them quite vulnerable to sabotage.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. 39. Mafia clans forced landowners to hire their members as custodians by scaring away unaffiliated applicants.Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 84. Cattle ranchers were also very vulnerable to thieves, and so they too needed mafioso protection.

In 1864, Niccolò Turrisi Colonna , leader of the Palermo National Guard, wrote of a "sect of thieves" that operated across Sicily. This "sect" was mostly rural, composed of cattle thieves, smugglers, wealthy farmers and their guards.Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 47.Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , p. 33. The sect made "affiliates every day of the brightest young people coming from the rural class, of the guardians of the fields in the Palermitan countryside, and of the large number of smugglers; a sect which gives and receives protection to and from certain men who make a living on traffic and internal commerce. It is a sect with little or no fear of public bodies, because its members believe that they can easily elude this."See: Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , p. 33 (Colonna seemed to have known what he was talking about, as there was widespread suspicion that he was the protector of some important Mafiosi in Palermo). It had special signals to recognize each other, offered protection services, scorned the law and had a code of loyalty and non-interaction with the police known as umirtà ("humility").Dickie, Cosa Nostra , pp. 39-46. Colonna warned in his report that the Italian government's brutal and clumsy attempts to crush unlawfulness only made the problem worse by alienating the populace. An 1865 dispatch from the prefect of Palermo to Rome first officially described the phenomenon as a "Mafia".Gaia Servadio. Mafioso , p. 18. An 1876 police report makes the earliest known description of the familiar #Initiation ceremony|initiation ritual .Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 49.

Mafiosi meddled in politics early on, bullying voters into voting for candidates they favoured. At this period in history, only a small fraction of the Sicilian population could vote, so a single mafia boss could control a sizeable chunk of the electorate and thus wield considerable political leverage.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. 96. Mafiosi used their allies in government to avoid prosecution as well as persecute less well-connected rivals. The highly fragmented and shaky Italian political system allowed cliques of Mafia-friendly politicians to exert a lot of influence.

In a series of reports between 1898 and 1900, Ermanno Sangiorgi , the police chief of Palermo , identified 670 mafiosi belonging to eight Mafia clans that went through alternating phases of cooperation and conflict. The Mafia and the ‘Problem of the Mafia”: Organised Crime in Italy, 1820-1970 , by Gianluca Fulvetti, in Fijnaut & Paoli, Organised crime in Europe , p. 64. The report mentioned initiation rituals and codes of conduct, as well as criminal activities that included counterfeiting, ransom kidnappings, robbery, murder and witness intimidation. The Mafia also maintained funds to support the families of imprisoned members and pay defense lawyers.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , pp. 91-93.

Fascist suppression

In 1925, Benito Mussolini initiated a campaign to destroy the Mafia and assert Fascist control over Sicilian life. The Mafia threatened and undermined his power in Sicily, and a successful campaign would strengthen him as the new leader, legitimising and empowering his rule.Duggan, Fascism and the Mafia , p. 119 Not only would this be a great propaganda coup for Italian Fascism|Fascism , but it would also provide an excuse to suppress his political opponents on the island, since many Sicilian politicians had Mafia links.

As prime minister, he visited Sicily in May 1924 and passed through Piana dei Greci where he was received by the mayor, Mafia boss Francesco Cuccia . At some point Cuccia expressed surprise at Mussolini’s police escort and whispered in his ear: "You are with me, you are under my protection. What do you need all these cops for? " After Mussolini rejected Cuccia's offer of protection, Cuccia instructed the townsfolk to not attend Mussolini's speech. Mussolini felt humiliated and outraged.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. 152Duggan, The Force of Destiny , p. 451-52

Cuccia’s careless remark has passed into history as the catalyst for Mussolini’s war on the Mafia. When Mussolini firmly established his power in January 1925, he appointed Cesare Mori as the Prefect of Palermo in October 1925 and granted him special powers to fight the Mafia. Mori formed a small army of policemen, carabinieri and militiamen, which went from town to town, rounding up suspects. To force suspects to surrender, they would take their families hostage, sell off their property,Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 175 or publicly slaughter their livestock.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. 173 By 1928, over 11,000 suspects were arrested.Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 174 Confessions were sometimes extracted through beatings and torture. Some mafiosi who had been on the losing end of Mafia feuds voluntarily cooperated with prosecutors,Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 182 perhaps as a way of obtaining protection and revenge. Charges of Mafia association were typically leveled at poor peasants and gabelloto|gabellotti (farm leaseholders), but were avoided when dealing with major landowners.Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 179 Many were tried en masse ., Time, 24 October 1927, Time, 23 January 1928 More than 1,200 were convicted and imprisoned,Selwyn Raab, Five Families , p. ? and many others were internally exiled without trial.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. 176

Mori's campaign ended in June 1929 when Mussolini recalled him to Rome . Although he did not permanently crush the Mafia as the Fascist press proclaimed, his campaign was nonetheless very successful at suppressing it. As the Mafia informant Antonino Calderone reminisced: "The music changed. Mafiosi had a hard life. After the war the mafia hardly existed anymore. The Sicilian Families had all been broken up."

Sicily's murder rate sharply declined.Lupo, History of the Mafia , p. 186 Landowners were able to raise the legal rents on their lands; sometimes as much as ten-thousandfold. Many mafiosi fled to the United States. Among these were Carlo Gambino and Joseph Bonanno , who would go on to become powerful Mafia bosses in New York City .

Post-Fascist revival

In 1943, nearly half a million Allied Powers|Allied troops invaded Sicily. Crime soared in the upheaval and chaos. Many inmates escaped from their prisons, banditry returned and the black market thrived. During the first six months of Allied occupation, party politics in Sicily were banned.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 243 Most institutions, with the exception of the police and carabinieri ,Lupo. History of the Mafia . pg 188 were destroyed, and the American occupiers had to build a new order from scratch. As Fascist mayors were deposed, the Allied Military Government of Occupied Territories (AMGOT) simply appointed replacements. Many turned out to be mafiosi, such as Calogero Vizzini and Giuseppe Genco Russo .Servadio, Mafioso , p. 91, by Tim Newark, May 2007 They could easily present themselves as political dissidents,John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 240 and their anti-communist position made them further desirable. Mafia bosses reformed their clans, absorbing some of the marauding bandits into their ranks.Lupo. History of the Mafia . pg 189

The changing economic landscape of Sicily would shift the Mafia's power base from the rural to the urban. The Minister of Agriculture – a communist – pushed for reforms in which peasants were to get larger shares of produce, be allowed to form cooperative s and take over badly used land, and remove the system by which leaseholders (known as " gabelloto|gabelloti " ) could rent land from landowners for their own short-term use.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 245 Owners of especially large estates were to be forced to sell off some of their land. The Mafia, which had connections to many landowners, murdered many socialist reformers. The most notorious attack was the Portella della Ginestra massacre , when 11 persons were killed and 33 wounded during May Day celebrations on May 1, 1947. The bloodbath was perpetrated by the bandit Salvatore Giuliano who was possibly backed by local Mafia bosses. Petrotta, , p. 97 , La Sicilia, November 22, 2009 In the end, though, they couldn't stop the process, and many landowners chose to sell their land to mafiosi, who offered more money than the government., Florence Newspaper

In the 1950s, a crackdown in the United States on drug trafficking led to the imprisonment of many American mafiosi. Furthermore, Cuba , a major hub for drug smuggling, fell to Fidel Castro . This prompted the American mafia boss Joseph Bonanno to return to Sicily in 1957 to franchise out his heroin operations to the Sicilian clans. Anticipating rivalries for the lucrative American drug market, he negotiated the establishment of a Sicilian Mafia Commission to mediate disputes.John Dickie, Cosa Nostra , pg 293-297

Sack of Palermo

The post-war period saw a huge building boom in Palermo . Allied bombing in World War II had left more than 14,000 people homeless, and migrants were pouring in from the countryside,John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 278 so there was a huge demand for new homes. Much of this construction was subsidized by public money. In 1956, two Mafia-connected officials, Vito Ciancimino and Salvatore Lima , took control of Palermo's Office of Public Works. Between 1959 and 1963, about 80% of building permits were given to just five people, none of whom represented major construction firms and were probably Mafia frontmen.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 281 Construction companies unconnected with the Mafia were forced to pay protection money . Many buildings were illegally constructed before the city's planning was finalized. Mafiosi scared off anyone who dared to question the illegal building.

First Mafia War

The First Mafia War was the first high-profile conflict between Mafia clans in post-war Italy (the Sicilian Mafia has a long history of violent rivalries).

In 1962, the mafia boss Cesare Manzella organized a drug shipment to America with the help of two Sicilian clans, the Grecos and the La Barberas. Manzella entrusted another boss, Calcedonio Di Pisa , to handle the heroin. When the shipment arrived in America, however, the American buyers claimed some heroin was missing, and paid Di Pisa a commensurately lower sum. Di Pisa accused the Americans of defrauding him, while the La Barberas accused Di Pisa of embezzling the missing heroin. The Sicilian Mafia Commission sided with Di Pisa, to the open anger of the La Barberas. The La Barberas murdered Di Pisa and Manzella, triggering a war.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , pp. 237-238

Many non-mafiosi were killed in the crossfire. In April 1963, several bystanders were wounded during a shootout in Palermo .Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. 312 In May, Angelo La Barbera survived a murder attempt in Milan . In June, six military officers and a policeman in Ciaculli were killed while trying to dispose of a car bomb. These incidents provoked national outrage and a crackdown in which nearly 2,000 arrests were made. Mafia activity fell as clans disbanded and mafiosi went into hiding. The Sicilian Mafia Commission was dissolved; it would not reform until 1969.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. 318 117 suspects were put on trial in 1968, but most were acquitted or received light sentences.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. 325 The inactivity plus money lost to legal fees and so forth reduced most mafiosi to poverty.Arlacchi, Men of Dishonor , p. 93

Smuggling boom

The 1950s and 1960s were difficult times for the mafia, but in the 1970s their rackets grew considerably more lucrative, particularly smuggling. The most lucrative racket of the 1970s was cigarette smuggling.Arlacchi. Men of Dishonour . pg 120 Sicilian and Neapolitan crime bosses negotiated a joint monopoly over the smuggling of cigarettes to Naples .

When heroin refineries operated by Corsican mafia|Corsican gangsters in Marseilles were shut down by France|French authorities, morphine traffickers looked to Sicily . Starting in 1975, Cosa Nostra set up heroin refineries across the island.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 357 As well as refining heroin, Cosa Nostra also sought to control its distribution. Sicilian mafiosi moved to the United States to personally control distribution networks there, often at the expense of their U.S. counterparts. Heroin addiction in Europe and North America surged, and seizures by police increased dramatically. By 1982, the Sicilian Mafia controlled about 80% of the heroin trade in the north-eastern United States.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 358 Heroin was often distributed to street dealers from Mafia-owned pizzerias, and the revenues could be passed off as restaurant profits (the so-called Pizza Connection Trial|Pizza Connection ).

Second Mafia War

In the early 1970s, Luciano Leggio , boss of the Corleonesi|Corleon clan and member of the Sicilian Mafia Commission , forged a coalition of mafia clans known as the Corleonesi, with himself as its leader. He initiated a campaign to dominate Cosa Nostra and its narcotics trade. Because Leggio was imprisoned in 1974, he acted through his deputy, Salvatore Riina , to whom he would eventually hand over control. The Corleonesi bribed cash-strapped Palermo clans into the fold, subverted members of other clans and secretly recruited new members.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 369-370 In 1977, the Corleonesi had Gaetano Badalamenti expelled from the Commission on trumped-up charges of hiding drug revenues.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 371 In April 1981, the Corleonesi murdered another rival member of the Commission, Stefano Bontade , and the Second Mafia War began in earnest.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 373 Hundreds of enemy mafiosi and their relatives were murdered,. The Guardian. February 21, 2004. sometimes by traitors in their own clans. By manipulating the Mafia's rules and eliminating rivals, the Corleonesi came to completely dominate the Commission. Riina used his power over the Commission to replace the bosses of certain clans with hand-picked regents.Paoli. Mafia Brotherhoods . pg 54 In the end, the Corleonesi faction won and Salvatore Riina|Riina effectively became the "boss of bosses" of the Sicilian Mafia.

At the same time the Corleonesi waged their campaign to dominate Cosa Nostra , they also waged a campaign of murder against journalists, officials and policemen who dared cross them. The police were frustrated with the lack of help they were receiving from witnesses and politicians. At the funeral of a policeman murdered by mafiosi in 1985, policemen insulted and spat at two attending politicians, and a fight broke out between them and military police.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 389-390

Maxi trial and war against the government

In the early 1980s, the magistrates Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino began a campaign against Cosa Nostra . Their big break came with the arrest of Tommaso Buscetta , a mafioso who chose to turn informant in exchange for protection from the Corleonesi , who had already murdered many of his friends and relatives. Other mafiosi followed his example. Falcone and Borsellino compiled their testimonies and organized the Maxi Trial , which lasted from February 1986 to December 1987. It was held in a fortified courthouse specially built for the occasion. 474 mafiosi were put on trial, of which 342 were convicted. In January 1992 the Italian Supreme Court confirmed these convictions.

The Mafia retaliated violently. In 1988, they murdered a Palermo judge and his son; three years later a prosecutor and an anti-mafia businessman were also murdered. Salvatore Lima , a close political ally of the Mafia, was murdered for failing to reverse the convictions as promised. Falcone and Borsellino were killed by bombs in 1992. This led to a public outcry and a massive government crackdown, resulting in the arrest of Salvatore Riina in January 1993. More and more defectors emerged. Many would pay a high price for their cooperation, usually through the murder of relatives. For example, Francesco Marino Mannoia|Francesco Marino Mannoia's mother, aunt and sister were murdered.Dickie, Cosa Nostra , p. ? ?

After Riina's arrest, the Mafia began a campaign of terrorism on the Italian mainland. Tourist spots such as the Via dei Georgofili in Florence , Via Palestro in Milan , and the Piazza San Giovanni in Laterano and Via San Teodoro in Rome were attacked, leaving 10 dead and 93 injured and causing severe damage to cultural heritage such as the Uffizi Gallery . When the Catholic Church openly condemned the Mafia, two churches were bombed and an anti-Mafia priest shot dead in Rome.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 416

After Riina's capture, leadership of the Mafia was briefly held by Leoluca Bagarella , then passed to Bernardo Provenzano when the former was himself captured in 1995.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 427 Provenzano halted the campaign of violence and replaced it with a campaign of quietness known as pax mafiosi.

Provenzano years

Under Bernardo Provenzano's leadership, murders of state officials were halted. He also halted the policy of murdering informants and their families, with a view instead to getting them to retract their testimonies and return to the fold.John Dickie. Cosa Nostra . pg 429 He also restored the common support fund for imprisoned mafiosi.

The tide of defectors was greatly stemmed. The Mafia preferred to initiate relatives of existing mafiosi, believing them to be less prone to defection. Provenzano was arrested in 2006, after 43 years on the run.

Modern Mafia in Italy

The incarcerated bosses are currently subjected to harsh controls on their contact with the outside world, limiting their ability to run their operations from behind bars under the article 41-bis prison regime . Antonino Giuffrè – a close confidant of Provenzano, turned pentito shortly after his capture in 2002 – alleges that in 1993 Cosa Nostra had direct contact with representatives of Silvio Berlusconi who was then planning the birth of Forza Italia ., The Guardian, December 5, 2002, The Guardian, January 8, 2003 by Philip Willan, The Observer, January 12, 2003

The alleged deal included a repeal of 41 bis, among other anti-Mafia laws in return for electoral support in Sicily. Nevertheless, Giuffrè's declarations have not yet been confirmed. The Italian Parliament, with the full support of Forza Italia reinforced the provisions of the 41 bis, which was to expire in 2002 but has been prolonged for another four years and extended to other crimes such as terrorism. However, according to one of Italy’s leading magazines, '' L'Espresso '', 119 mafiosi – one-fifth of those incarcerated under the 41 bis regime – have been released on an individual basis. , Casertasete, January , 2006 The human rights group Amnesty International has expressed concern that the 41-bis regime could in some circumstances amount to "cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment" for prisoners.
In addition to Salvatore Lima , mentioned above, the politician Giulio Andreotti and the High Court judge Corrado Carnevale have long been suspected of having ties to the Mafia.
By the late 1990s, the weakened Cosa Nostra had to yield most of the illegal drug trade to the 'Ndrangheta crime organization from Calabria . In 2006, the latter was estimated to control 80% of the cocaine imported to Europe., The Guardian, June 8, 2006

Definition

It is difficult to exactly define the Mafia or a single function or goal of the phenomenon. Until the early 1980s, mafia was generally considered a unique Sicilian cultural attitude and form of power, excluding any corporate or organisational dimension.Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , p. 15 Some even used it as a defensive attempt to render the Mafia benign and romantic: not a criminal association, but the sum of Sicilian values that outsiders never will understand.Schneider & Schneider, Reversible Destiny , p. 39

Leopoldo Franchetti , an Italian deputy who travelled to Sicily and who wrote one of the first authoritative reports on the mafia in 1876, saw the Mafia as an "industry of violence" and described the designation of the term "mafia":

Franchetti saw the Mafia as deeply rooted in Sicilian society and impossible to quench unless the very structure of the island's social institutions were to undergo a fundamental change.Servadio, Mafioso , p. 42-43

Some observers saw "mafia" as a set of attributes deeply rooted in popular culture, as a "way of being", as illustrated in the definition by the Sicilian ethnographer, Giuseppe Pitrè :

Like Pitrè, many scholars viewed mafiosi as individuals behaving according to specific subculture|subcultural codes, but did not consider the Mafia a formal organisation. Judicial investigations and scientific research in the 1980s provided solid proof of the existence of well-structured Mafia groups with entrepreneurial characteristics. The Mafia was seen as an enterprise and its economic activities became the focus of academic analyses. Ignoring the cultural aspects, the Mafia is often erroneously seen as similar to other non-Sicilian organized criminal associations.

However, these two paradigm s missed essential aspects of the Mafia that became clear when investigators were confronted with the testimonies of Mafia turncoats, like those of Buscetta to judge Falcone at the Maxi Trial . The economic approach to explain the Mafia did illustrate the development and operations of the Mafia business, but neglected the cultural symbols and codes by which the Mafia legitimized its existence and by which it rooted itself into Sicilian society.

The economic paradigm was prevalent when the Italian Penal Code definition of criminal conspiracy (Article 416) was extended by Pio La Torre . Article 416 bis defines an association as being of Mafia-type nature "when those belonging to the association exploit the potential for intimidation which their membership gives them, and the compliance and omerta which membership entails and which lead to the committing of crimes, the direct or indirect assumption of management or control of financial activities, concessions, permissions, enterprises and public services for the purpose of deriving profit or wrongful advantages for themselves or others."Seindal, '' The term Mafia-type organisations is used to clearly distinguish the uniquely Sicilian Mafia from other criminal organisations – such as the Camorra, the 'Ndrangheta, the Sacra Corona Unita – that are structured like the Mafia, but are not the Mafia. According to historian Salvatore Lupo, “if everything is Mafia, nothing is Mafia.”

There are several lines of interpretation, often blended to some extent, to define the Mafia: it has been viewed as a mirror of traditional Sicilian society; as an enterprise or type of criminal industry; as a more or less centralized secret society; and/or as a juridical ordering that is parallel to that of the state – a kind of anti-state. The Mafia is all of these but none of these exclusively.Lupo, , p. 7

Structure and composition

Cosa Nostra is not a monolithic organization, but rather a loose association of groups known alternately as "families", "cosche" , "borgatas" or "clans" (despite the name, their members are generally not related by blood). Today, according to the Chief Prosecutor of Palermo, Francesco Messineo, there are 94 Mafia clans in Sicily subject to 29 mandamento|mandamenti , , La Repubblica (Palermo edition), July 20, 2010 with a total of at least 3,500 to 4,000 full members.Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , p. 32 Most are based in western Sicily, almost half of them in the province of Palermo .

Clan hierarchy

In 1984, the mafioso informant Tommaso Buscetta explained to prosecutors the command structure of a typical clan. A clan is led by a "boss" ( capofamiglia or rappresentante ), who is aided by an underboss (a sotto capo ) and supervised by one or more advisers ( consigliere ). Under his command are groups ( decina ) of about ten "soldiers" ( soldati or operai ). Each decina is led by a capodecina (or sometimes caporegime ).

The actual structure of any given clan can vary. Despite the name decina , they do not necessarily have ten soldiers, but can have anything from five to thirty.Arlacchi. Men of Dishonour . pg 33 Some clans are so small that they don't even have decinas and capodecinas, and even in large clans certain soldiers may report directly to the boss.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . pg 111

The boss of a clan is typically elected by the rank-and-file soldiers (though #Violent successions|violent successions do happen). Due to the small size of most Sicilian clans, the boss of a clan has intimate contact with all members, and doesn't receive much in the way of privileges or rewards as he would in larger organizations (such as the larger Five Families of New York).Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , pp. 41 His tenure is also frequently short: elections are yearly, and he might be deposed sooner for misconduct or incompetence.Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , pp. 42

The underboss is usually appointed by the boss. He is the boss' most trusted right-hand man and second-in-command. If the boss is killed or imprisoned, he takes over as leader.

The consigliere ("counselor") of the clan is also elected on a yearly basis. One of his jobs is to supervise the actions of the boss and his immediate underlings, particularly in financial matters (e.g. preventing embezzlement ).Paoli. Mafia Brotherhoods . pg 42 He also serves as an impartial adviser to the boss and mediator in internal disputes. To fulfill this role, the consigliere must be impartial, devoid of conflict of interest and ambition.Capeci. ''The Complete Idiot's Guide to the Mafia . pg 9

Other than its members, Cosa Nostra makes extensive use of "associates". These are people who work for or aid a clan (or even multiple clans) but are not treated as true members. These include corrupt officials and prospective mafiosi. An associate is considered by the mafiosi nothing more than a tool, someone that they can "use", or "nothing mixed with nil."

The media has often made reference to a " capo di tutti capi " or "boss of bosses" that allegedly "commands all of Cosa Nostra". Calogero Vizzini , Salvatore Riina , and Bernardo Provenzano were especially influential bosses who have each been described by the media and law enforcement as being the "boss of bosses" of their times. While a powerful boss may exert great influence over his neighbors, the position does not formally exist, according to Mafia turncoats such as Buscetta.Arlacchi, Addio Cosa nostra , p. 106 , Intervista a Salvatore Lupo di Marco Nebiolo, Narcomafie, April 2006 According to Mafia historian Salvatore Lupo "the emphasis of the media on the definition of a 'capo di tutti capi' is without any foundation".

Membership

Membership in Cosa Nostra is open only to Sicilian men. A candidate cannot be a relative or have any close links with a lawman, such as a policeman or a judge. There is no strict age limit: boys as young as sixteen have been initiated.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . pg 67 A prospective mafioso is carefully tested for obedience, discretion, ruthlessness and skill at spying. He is almost always required to commit murder as his ultimate trial, even if he doesn't plan to be a career assassin. The act of murder is to prove his sincerity (i.e. he is not an undercover policeman) and to bind him into silence (i.e. he cannot break Sicilian Mafia#Omertà| omertà without facing murder charges himself).

Traditionally, only men can become mafiosi, though in recent times there have been reports of women assuming the responsibilities of imprisoned mafiosi relatives., BBC News, January 8, 2007, TIME Magazine, June 2, 2002

Although clans are also called "families", their members are usually not related by blood. The Mafia actually has rules designed to prevent nepotism. Membership and rank in the Mafia are not hereditary. Most new bosses are not related to their predecessor. The Commission forbids relatives from holding positions in inter-clan bodies at the same time.Diego Gambetta. Codes of the Underworld . pg 206-208 That said, mafiosi frequently bring their sons into the trade. They have an easier time entering, because the son bears his father's seal of approval and is familiar with the traditions and requirements of Cosa Nostra .

A mafioso's legitimate occupation, if he has any, generally does not affect his prestige within Cosa Nostra .Diego Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection . 1993 Historically, most mafiosi were employed in menial jobs, and many bosses did not work at all. Professionals such as lawyers and doctors do exist within the organization, and are employed according to whatever useful skills they have.

Commission

Since the 1950s, the Mafia has maintained multiple commissions to resolve disputes and promote cooperation among clans. Each province of Sicily has its own Commission. Clans are organized into districts ( mandamenti ) of three or four geographically adjacent clans. Each district elects a representative ( capo mandamento ) to sit on its Provincial Commission.Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , p. 53

Contrary to popular belief, the commissions do not serve as a centralized government for the Mafia. The power of the commissions are limited and clans are autonomous and independent. Rather, each Commission serves as a representative mechanism for consultation of independent clans who decide by consensus . "Contrary to the wide-spread image presented by the media, these superordinate bodies of coordination cannot be compared with the executive boards of major legal firms. Their power is intentionally limited. And it would be entirely wrong to see in the Cosa Nostra a centrally managed, internationally active Mafia holding company," according to criminologist Letizia Paoli., interview with Letizia Paoli, Max Planck Research, February 2004

A major function of the Commission is to regulate the use of violence.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 114 For instance, a mafioso who wants to commit a murder in another clan's territory must ask the permission of the local boss; the commission enforces this rule. Any murder of a mafioso or prominent individual (police, lawyers, politicians, journalists, etc.) must be approved by the commission.Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , pp. 53-54 Such acts can potentially upset other clans and spark a war, so the Commission provides a means by which to obtain their approval.Arlacchi, Men of Dishonor , p. 126

The Commission also deals with matters of succession. When a boss dies or retires, his clan's reputation often crumbles with his departure. This can cause clients to abandon the clan and turn to neighboring clans for protection. These clans would grow greatly in status and power relative to their rivals, potentially destabilizing the region and precipitating war.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 115 The Commission may choose to divide up the clan's territory and members among its neighbors. Alternatively, the commission has the power to appoint a regent for the clan until it can elect a new boss.Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods , p. 54

Rituals and codes of conduct

Initiation ceremony

One of the first accounts of an initiation ceremony into the Mafia was given by Bernardino Verro , a leader of the Fasci Siciliani , a popular movement of democratic and socialist inspiration, which arose in Sicily in the early 1890s. In order to give the movement teeth and to protect himself from harm, Verro became a member of a Mafia group in Corleone, the Fratuzzi (Little Brothers). In a memoir written many years later, he describes the initiation ritual he underwent in the spring of 1893: " was invited to take part in a secret meeting of the Fratuzzi. I entered a mysterious room where there were many men armed with guns sitting around a table. In the center of the table there was a skull drawn on a piece of paper and a knife. In order to be admitted to the Fratuzzi , had to undergo an initiation consisting of some trials of loyalty and the pricking of the lower lip with the tip of the knife: the blood from the wound soaked the skull."Alcorn, Revolutionary Mafiosi. Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 263 (Soon after Verro broke with the Mafia and – according to police reports – became their most bitter enemy. He was killed by the Mafia in 1915 when he was the mayor of Corleone.) , Città Nuova di Corleone, November 3, 2004

After his arrest, the mafioso Giovanni Brusca described the ceremony in which he was formally made a full member of Cosa Nostra . In 1976 he was invited to a "banquet" at a country house. He was brought into a room where several mafiosi were sitting around a table upon which sat a pistol, a dagger and an image of a saint. They questioned his commitment and his feelings regarding criminality and murder (despite him already having a history of such acts). When he affirmed himself, Salvatore Riina , then the most powerful boss of Cosa Nostra , took a needle and pricked Brusca's finger. Brusca smeared his blood on the image of the saint, which he held in his cupped hands as Riina set it alight. As Brusca juggled the burning image in his hands, Riina said to him: "If you betray Cosa Nostra, your flesh will burn like this saint."

Introductions

A mafioso is not supposed to introduce himself to another mafioso he does not personally know, even if both mafiosi know of each other through reputation. If he wants to establish a relationship, he must ask a third mafioso that they both personally know to introduce them to each other in a face-to-face meeting. This intermediary can vouch that neither of the two is an impostor, thus preventing outsiders or undercover policemen from infiltrating the Mafia.

This tradition is upheld very scrupulously, often to the detriment of efficient operation. For instance, when the mafioso Indelicato Amedeo returned to Sicily following his initiation in America in the 1950s, he could not introduce himself to his own mafioso father, but had to wait for a mafioso from America who knew of his induction to come to Sicily.Diego Gambetta. Codes of the Underworld . Princeton. ISBN 978-0-691-11937-3

Etiquette

Mafiosi of equal status sometimes call each other " compare ", while inferiors call their superiors " padrino ".Stille. Excellent Cadavers. chpt 16 Both are Sicilian terms for "godfather".

Ten Commandments

In November 2007 Sicilian police reported to have found a list of "Ten Commandments" in the hideout of mafia boss Salvatore Lo Piccolo . They are thought to be guidelines on how to be a good, respectful and honourable mafioso., BBC News, November 9, 2007

# No one can present himself directly to another of our friends. There must be a third person to do it.
# Never look at the wives of friends.
# Never be seen with cops.
# Don't go to pubs and clubs.
# Always being available for Cosa Nostra is a duty - even if your wife is about to give birth.
# Appointments must absolutely be respected.
# Wives must be treated with respect.
# When asked for any information, the answer must be the truth.
# Money cannot be appropriated if it belongs to others or to other families.
# People who can't be part of Cosa Nostra : anyone who has a close relative in the police, anyone with a two-timing relative in the family, anyone who behaves badly and doesn't hold to moral values.

The pentito Antonino Calderone recounted similar Commandments in his 1987 testimony:

These rules are not to touch the women of other men of honour; not to steal from other men of honour or, in general, from anyone; not to exploit prostitution; not to kill other men of honour unless strictly necessary; to avoid passing information to the police; not to quarrel with other men of honour; to maintain proper behavior; to keep silent about Cosa Nostra around outsiders; to avoid under all circumstances introducing oneself to other men of honour.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , &

Omertà

Omertà is a code of silence and secrecy that forbids mafiosi from betraying their comrades to the authorities. The penalty for transgression is death, and relatives of the turncoat may also be murdered. Mafiosi generally do not associate with police (aside perhaps from corrupting individual officers as necessary). For instance, a mafioso will not call the police when he is a victim of a crime. He is expected to take care of the problem himself. To do otherwise would undermine his reputation as a capable protector of others ( #Protection rackets|see below ), and his enemies may see him as weak and vulnerable.

The need for secrecy and inconspicuousness deeply colors the traditions and mannerisms of mafiosi. Mafiosi are discouraged from consuming alcohol or drugs, as in an inebriated state they are more likely to blurt out sensitive information. They also frequently adopt self-effacing attitudes to strangers so as to avoid unwanted attention.Paoli. Mafia Brotherhoods . pg 111 Mafiosi are also forbidden from writing down anything about their activities, lest such evidence be discovered by police.Paoli. Mafia Brotherhoods . pg 112

To a degree, mafiosi also impose omertà on the general population. Civilians who buy their protection or make other deals are expected to be discreet, on pain of death. Witness intimidation is also common.

Current clans

The following data is based mainly on the biannual reports of the Direzione Investigativa Antimafia (Antimafia Investigation Department): This information is several years old, and since clans come and go, it may not be perfectly accurate.

The city of Palermo itself has 28 clans divided among 8 Mandamento|mandamenti , whilst the surrounding province is divided into 6 mandamenti. , 2° semestre 2008

Capo mandamento !! style="background: silver"
Brancaccio
Noce
Pagliarelli
Passo di Rigano - Boccadifalco
Porta Nuova
Resuttana
San Lorenzo
Santa Maria de Gesu'

Capo mandamento
Bagheria/ Villabate
San Giuseppe Jato
Corleone
Belmonte Mezzagno
San Mauro Castelverde
Partinico

The province of Agrigento has 42 active clans within 6 mandamenti. Giuseppe Falsone is the current provincial representative to the Commission.

Clans
Porto Empedocle
Campobello di Licata
Cianciana
Ribera
Sambuca di Sicilia
Casteltermini
(unaffiliated)

The province of Trapani has 17 clans, divided among 4 mandamenti. Matteo Messina Denaro is the current provincial representative to the Commission.

Capo mandamento !! style="background: silver"
Castelvetrano
Mazara del Vallo
Alcamo
Trapani

Protection rackets

Protection racket eering is one of the Sicilian Mafia's core activities. This aspect of the Mafia is often overlooked in the media because, unlike drug dealing and extortion, it is often not reported to the police. But many scholars, such as Diego Gambetta and Leopold Franchetti, see it as the Mafia's defining characteristic, the source of their power and place in Sicily society. Gambetta describes the Mafia as a cartel of "private protection firms" who act as guarantors of trust and security in areas of the economy where such things are scarce and fragile. In exchange for money or favors, mafiosi use the credible threat of violence to protect their clients from fraudsters, thieves, and competitors.

For example: suppose a meat wholesaler wishes to sell some meat to a supermarket without paying taxes. Neither the seller nor buyer can turn to the police and the courts for help should something go wrong, such as the seller supplying rotten meat, or the buyer not paying up. The law does not enforce black market agreements; it punishes them. Without the arbitration of the law, the seller could cheat the buyer with impunity, or vice versa. If the parties both do not trust each other, they cannot do business and they could both lose out on a profitable deal. Instead, the parties can approach the local mafia clan to supervise their illegal deal. In exchange for a commission, the mafioso makes it clear to both the buyer and seller that if either of them tries to cheat the other, the cheater can expect to be assaulted or have his property vandalized. Such is the mafioso's reputation for viciousness and reliability that neither the buyer nor the seller would consider cheating. Only a fool would dare cheat somebody protected by the Mafia. With the dealers satisfied that this mafioso can deter cheating, the transaction proceeds smoothly and all parties leave satisfied.

The Mafia's protection is not restricted to illegal activities. Shopkeepers often pay the Mafia to protect them from thieves. If a shopkeeper enters into a protection contract with a mafioso, the mafioso will make it publicly known that if any thief were foolish enough to rob his client's shop, he would track down the thief, beat him up, and, if possible, recover the stolen merchandise (mafiosi make it their business to know all the fences in their territory).

Mafiosi have protected a great variety of clients over the years: landowners, plantation owners, politicians, shopkeepers, drug dealers, etc. Whilst some people are coerced into buying protection and some do not receive any actual protection for their money (extortion), by and large there are many clients who actively seek and benefit from mafioso protection. This is one of the main reasons why the Mafia has resisted more than a century of government efforts to destroy it: the people who willingly solicit these services protect the Mafia from the authorities. If you are enjoying the benefits of Mafia protection, you do not want the police arresting your mafioso.

It is estimated that the Sicilian Mafia costs the Sicilian economy more than €10 billion a year through protection racket s., BBC News, September 3, 2007 Roughly 70% of Sicilian businesses pay protection money to Cosa Nostra . Monthly payments can range from €200 for a small shop or bar to €5,000 for a supermarket. , The Guardian, May 17, 2008, The Times, November 3, 2007 In Sicily, protection money is known as pizzo (extortion)|pizzo ; the anti-extortion support group Addiopizzo derives its name from this. Mafiosi might sometimes ask for favors instead of money, such as assistance in committing a crime.

Protection from theft

Protection from theft is one service that the Mafia provides to paying "clients". Mafiosi themselves are generally forbidden from committing theftGambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , pp. 171-72 (though in practice they are merely forbidden from stealing from anyone connected to the Mafia).Arlacchi. Men of Dishonor . pg 70 Instead, mafiosi make it their business to know all the thieves and fence (criminal)|fences operating within their territory. If a protected business is robbed, the clan will use these contacts to track down and return the stolen goods and punish the thieves, usually by beating them up.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . p 173 Since the pursuit of thieves and their loot often goes into territories of other clans, clans routinely cooperate with each other on this matter, providing information and blocking the sale of the loot if they can.

Protection from competition

Mafiosi sometimes protect businessmen from competitors by threatening their competitors with violence. If two businessmen are competing for a government contract, the protected can ask his mafioso friends to bully his rival out of the bidding process. In another example, a mafioso acting on behalf of a coffee supplier might pressure local bars into serving only his client's coffee.

The primary method by which the Mafia stifles competition, however, is the overseeing and enforcement of collusion|collusive agreements between businessmen. Mafia-enforced collusion typically appear in markets where collusion is both desirable ( Price elasticity of demand|inelastic demand , lack of product differentiation , etc.) and difficult to set up (numerous competitor s, low barriers to entry ).Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . p 197 Industries which fit this description include garbage collection.

Protection from fraud

Mafia protection is often sought in illegal business transactions and agreements, because the parties involved cannot turn to the courts for protection. For instance, if a supermarket owner wishes to buy meat from a wholesaler without paying taxes, one or both of these agents may pay a mafioso to supervise their deal. The mafioso makes it clear that if the buyer fails to pay or the seller sells spoiled meat, the cheater will be assaulted or have his property vandalized.

Client relations

Mafiosi approach potential clients in an aggressive but friendly manner, like a door-to-door salesman.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 47 They may even offer a few free favors as enticement. If a client rejects their overtures, mafiosi sometimes coerce them by vandalizing their property or other forms of harassment. Physical assault is rare; clients may be murdered for breaching agreements or talking to the police, but not for simply refusing protection.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , p. 54

In many situations, mafia bosses prefer to establish an indefinite long-term bond with a client, rather than make one-off contracts. The boss can then publicly declare the client to be under his permanent protection (his "friend", in Sicilian parlance). This leaves little public confusion as to who is and isn't protected, so thieves and other predators will be deterred from attacking a protected client and prey only on the unprotected.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , pp. 57

Mafiosi generally do not involve themselves in the management of the businesses they protect or arbitrate. Lack of competence is a common reason, but mostly it is to divest themselves of any interests that may conflict with their roles as protectors and arbitrators. This makes them more trusted by their clients, who need not fear their businesses being taken over.

Protection territories

A protection racketeer cannot tolerate competition within his sphere of influence from another racketeer. If a dispute erupted between two clients protected by rival racketeers, the two racketeers would have to fight each other to win the dispute for their respective client. The outcomes of such fights can be unpredictable (not to mention bloody), and neither racketeer could guarantee a victory for his client. This would make their protection unreliable and of little value. Their clients might dismiss them and settle the dispute by other means, and their reputations would suffer. To prevent this, mafia clans negotiate territories in which they can monopolize the use of violence in settling disputes.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , pp. 68-71 This is not always done peacefully, and disputes over protection territories are at the root of most Mafia wars.Lupo, History of the Mafia, pp. 15

Other activities

Vote buying

Politicians court mafiosi to obtain votes during elections. A mafioso's mere endorsement of a certain candidate can be enough for his clients, relatives and associates to vote for said candidate. A particularly influential mafioso can bring in thousands of votes for a candidate; such is the respect a mafioso can command.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , pp. 184 The Italian Parliament has a huge number of seats (945, roughly 1 per 64,000 citizens) and a List of political parties in Italy#Active parties|large number of political parties competing for them, meaning a candidate can win with only a few thousand votes. A mafia clan's support can thus be decisive for his success.

Politicians usually repay this support with favours, such as sabotaging police investigations or giving contracts and permits.

Although they are not ideological themselves, mafiosi have traditionally opposed extreme parties such as Fascists and Communists, and favoured centre candidates.Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia , pp. 185

Smuggling

Mafiosi provide protection and invest capital in smuggling gangs. Smuggling operations require large investments (goods, boats, crews, etc.) but few people would trust their money to criminal gangs. It is mafiosi who raise the necessary money from investors and ensure all parties act in good faith. They also ensure that the smugglers operate in safety.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . pg 230

Mafiosi rarely directly involve themselves in smuggling operations. When they do, it is usually when the operations are especially risky. In this case, they may induct smugglers into their clans in the hope of binding them more firmly.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . pg 231 This was the case with heroin smuggling, where the volumes and profits involved were too large to keep the operations at arm's length.

Bid rigging

The Sicilian Mafia in Italy is believed to have a turnover of €6.5 billion through control of public and private contracts., The Guardian, January 1, 2007 Mafiosi use threats of violence and vandalism to muscle out competitors and win contracts for the companies they control. They rarely manage the businesses they control themselves, but take a cut of their profits, usually through payoffs ( Pizzo (extortion)|Pizzo ).Diego Gambetta. Codes of the Underworld . 2008

Loan sharking

In a 2007 publication, the Italian small-business association Confesercenti reported that about 25.2% of Sicilian businesses were indebted to loan shark s, who collected around €1.4 billion a year in payments. The statistics in the report were obtained from the Italian Ministry of the Interior. This figure has risen during the late-2000s recession , as tighter lending by banks forces the desperate to borrow from the Mafia., Euranet, March 9, 2009, The Guardian, July 23, 2009

Forbidden crimes

Certain types of crimes are forbidden by Cosa Nostra , either by members or freelance criminals within their domains. Mafiosi are generally forbidden from committing theft (burglary, mugging, etc.). Kidnapping is also generally forbidden, even by non-mafiosi, as it attracts a great deal of public hostility and police attention. These rules have been violated from time to time, both with and without the permission of senior mafiosi.Diego Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection . pg 177

Violence and reputation

Murder

Murders are almost always carried out by members. It is very rare for the Mafia to recruit an outsider for a single job, and such people are liable to be eliminated soon afterwards because they become expendable liabilities.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . pg 66

Reputation

The Mafia's power comes from its reputation to commit violence, particularly murder, against virtually anyone and get away with it. Through reputation, mafiosi deter their enemies and enemies of their clients. It allows mafiosi to protect a client without being physically present (e.g. as bodyguards or watchmen), which in turn allows them to protect many clients at once.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . pg 87Oriana Bandiera. Land Reform, the Market for Protection and the Origins of the Sicilian Mafia: Theory and Evidence. pg 13

Compared to other occupations, reputation is especially valuable for a mafioso, and they are especially vulnerable to blows in reputation. The reputation of a mafioso is dichotomous: he is either a good protector or a bad one; there is no mediocrity. This is because a mafioso can only either succeed at an act of violence or fail utterly. There is no spectrum of quality when it comes to violent protection.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . pg 46 Consequently, a series of failures can completely ruin a mafioso's reputation, and with it his business.

The more fearsome a mafioso's reputation is, the more he can win disputes without having recourse to violence. It can even happen that a mafioso who loses his means to commit violence (e.g. his soldiers are all in prison) can still use his reputation to intimidate and provide protection if everyone is unaware of his weakness and still believes in his power.Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia . pg 44 However, in the tough world of the Mafia, such bluffs generally do not last long, as his rivals will soon sense his weakness and challenge him.Gambetta. Codes of the Underworld . pg 193

When a Mafia boss retires from leadership (or is killed), his clan's reputation as effective protectors and enforcers often goes with him. If his replacement has a weaker reputation, clients may lose confidence in the clan and defect to its neighbors, causing a shift in the balance of power and possible conflict. Ideally, the successor to the boss will have built a strong reputation of his own as he worked his way up the ranks, giving the clan a reputable new leader.Gambetta. The Siclian Mafia . pg 61 In this way, established Mafia clans have a powerful edge over newcomers who start from scratch; joining a clan as a soldier offers an aspiring mafioso a chance to build up his own reputation under the guidance and protection of senior mafiosi.

Violent successions

Mafia violence is most commonly directed at other Mafia families competing for territory and business.Gambetta. The Siclian Mafia . pg 40

Violence is more common in the Sicilian Mafia than the American Mafia because Mafia families in Sicily are smaller and more numerous, creating a more volatile atmosphere.Gambetta. The Siclian Mafia . pg 42

Notable Sicilian mafiosi

Vito Cascioferro (1862–1943 or 1945), often depicted as the "boss of bosses", although such a position does not exist in the loose structure of Cosa Nostra in Sicily, imprisoned by Cesare Mori .

Calogero Vizzini (1877–1954), boss of Villalba, Italy|Villalba , was considered to be one of the most influential Mafia bosses of Sicily after World War II until his death in 1954.

Giuseppe Genco Russo (1893–1976), boss of Mussomeli , considered to be the heir of Calogero Vizzini.

Michele Navarra (1905–1958), boss of the Mafia Family in Corleone from 1940s to 1958

Salvatore Greco "Ciaschiteddu"|Salvatore "Ciaschiteddu" Greco (1923–1978), boss of the Mafia Family in Ciaculli , he was the first "secretary" of the first Sicilian Mafia Commission that was formed somewhere in 1958.

Gaetano Badalamenti (1923–2004), boss of the Mafia Family in Cinisi

Angelo La Barbera (1924–1975) boss of the Mafia Family in Palermo Centro

Michele Greco (1924–2008), boss of the Mafia Family in Croceverde

Luciano Leggio (1925–1993), boss of the Corleone clan and instigator of the Second Mafia War

Tommaso Buscetta (1928–2000), a mafioso who turned informant in 1984. Buscetta's evidence was used to great effect during the Maxi-Trials .

Salvatore Riina (born 1930), also known as Totò Riina, emerged from the Second Mafia War as the "boss of bosses" until his arrest in 1993.

Bernardo Provenzano (born 1933), successor of Riina as head of the Corleonesi faction and as such was considered one of the most powerful bosses of the Sicilian Mafia. Provenzano was a fugitive from justice since 1963. He was captured on 11 April 2006 in Sicily., BBC News, April 11, 2006 Before capture, authorities had reportedly been "close" to capturing him for 10 years.

Stefano Bontade (1939–1981), boss of the Santa Maria di Gesù clan. His murder by the Corleonesi in 1981 inaugurated the Second Mafia War .

Leoluca Bagarella (born 1941), member of the Mafia Family in Corleone arrested in 1995

Salvatore Lo Piccolo (born 1942), considered to be one of the successors of Provenzano.

Salvatore Inzerillo (1944–1981), boss of the Mafia Family in Passo di Rigano

Giovanni Brusca|Giovanni 'Lo Scannacristiani' Brusca (born 1957), who was involved in the murder of Giovanni Falcone .

Matteo Messina Denaro (born 1962), considered to be one of the successors of Provenzano.

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